Deepfakes and Misinformation: What Have We Learned About GenAI and Elections?
by Joshua Tucker, Paul Connolly, George Vlasto
Fri, Nov 8, 2024
The media has declared Donald Trump will be the president of the United States, having secured enough electoral votes to win the election; he also appears to have won the popular vote, although the latter is still being counted. The Republican Party has regained control of the U.S. Senate and it looks likely that they will retain control of the House of Representatives. There is no scenario where Republicans alone will be able to override the filibuster in the Senate, which requires 60 votes. So as long the filibuster remains a part of Senate rules, this will be one avenue for Democrats to influence policy making. Final results for the House will take time, especially with votes still being counted in key swing districts.
Despite all the razor close election forecasts, the U.S. has followed the global 2024 trends: anti-incumbency voting and a willingness to support populist candidates and parties. In fact, in the U.S., the two overlapped, with Trump running a populist campaign and painting Harris as representing the incumbent administration. Exit polls reported that 72% of voters were either dissatisfied or angry about the way things in the country were going. Approximately two-thirds of voters described the economy as bad, and, of those voters, more than two-thirds of them said they voted for Trump.
Interestingly, the U.S. economy is performing relatively well based on indicators (real income growth, unemployment) that research on U.S. presidential elections has tied to votes for the candidate of the incumbent party. What was different during Biden’s term, however, was the presence of higher U.S. inflation than in the past 30 years.
When considering the U.S. results in the light of this year’s elections globally, it seems clear that some sort of post-pandemic effect is impacting voters in a way that drives anti-incumbency sentiment. Tellingly, the U.S. has held two presidential elections since the start of the pandemic (2020 and 2024), and in both cases the party in power was voted out after a single term – something that has not happened in back-to-back presidential elections in the U.S. during the entire post-WWII era.
It is also important to note that although the election will be described as a resounding victory and political comeback for Donald Trump, this should not mask the fact that the American electorate remains incredibly divided. Even with what looks to be a significant and clear Electoral College victory for Trump, the popular vote will likely to be split within a percentage point or two of 50-50. Indeed, if anything what we are seeing is even more hardening of partisan proclivities in U.S. Senate voting: Popular incumbent Democrats were unable to win again in Montana and Ohio, two states that have become clearly red; and a popular moderate Republican ex-Governor in Maryland failed to be elected to the Senate in that blue state, even on a strong Republican night.
Additionally, you will likely see reporting in the coming days about how most U.S. counties shifted in a pro-Trump direction in 2020. There are two ways to interpret this shift. First, it might represent some sort of realignment of the American electorate with voters shifting to the right. But it might also represent anti-incumbency sentiment, and therefore be more transitory.
Finally, for those wondering why the election could be called so quickly when the polls were so close, you can see here how I laid out the possibility of exactly this scenario before the election. As all of the swing states were so close in the pre-election polls and forecasts, the election could have taken days to decide with enough states having incredibly close results. However, precisely because the margins were so close in the seven swing states, if polls were off systematically by even a small amount in either direction, then one candidate could win all or most of them fairly decisively; this latter scenario is what came to pass.
Businesses should be aware that there will be a roughly two-month delay before the new Congress takes office, and two and a half months before Trump moves back into the White House on January 20, 2025. However, this will not stop the markets and other economic actors from anticipating the impact of the new U.S. political alignment and adjusting behavior accordingly.
At the highest level, the key policy implication of this election is that most policy decisions – provided the Republicans do maintain control of the House of Representatives – will be the result of either (a) Executive Orders from the Trump White House or (b) laws passed by a Congress where Republicans will (likely) control both houses with fairly slim majorities. In both cases, this means most policy making will be a result of intra-Republican party negotiations, as opposed to cross-party negotiations between Democrats and Republicans. This is certainly the case for Executive Orders and will also be the case for tax bills that can be passed using what is known as a “reconciliation procedure” that will allow Republicans to sidestep the possibility of a Democratic filibuster. For other forms of legislation, the filibuster will allow Democrats to have some limited influence, as long as it remains part of the Senate rules. Trump’s preferences will obviously play an outsized role in determining Executive Orders, and a still important role in the shape of legislation. The slim majorities the Republicans will hold in both houses of Congress, however, will have the potential to make negotiations within the party contentious, and, as we’ve learned in this past Congressional session, give a small but determined number of legislators the power to hold up legislation. Whether Trump can control this process more effectively with unified Republican control of Washington will be important to monitor.
With that in mind, four areas likely to see important policy developments in the coming months and years are:
One other area worth watching concerns personnel in the executive branch and regulatory agencies. Some supporters of Trump have proposed reclassifying a non-trivial number of current government civil servants as political employees. Should this happen, it poses two potential risks for businesses. The first risk is related to challenges associated with personnel turnover. Although there is always some turnover after a change in power, it could be significantly higher than in past years, leading to delays in filling positions. The second risk is that the new political appointees may approach their roles differently than career civil servants, creating uncertainty about the continuity of past policies and procedures.
It is worth noting that the combined impact of many of the policies discussed above would have a chance of adding inflationary pressure to the economy.
In a recent webinar with experts from Kroll on Adapting to Global Election Outcomes, we asked attendees from financial services and institutions, law firms and corporations for their views on the business risks related to the election. Social unrest, high cost of business, economic policy shifts and market volatility and political instability emerged as the top concerns. Our survey revealed that many attendees are focused on financial contingency planning, scenario planning, and risk monitoring to prepare for potential outcomes. Some are also diversifying their investments to mitigate risks.
To stay ahead, businesses should understand potential risks and prepare for various outcomes to maintain stability and growth. Effective anticipation, planning, and risk management will be key competitive advantages.
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